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Download PDF instead of Previewing in Chrome and Firefox on Windows PC

Both Chrome and Firefox have this default setting where they preview PDFs instead of downloading them. This can be a bit annoying, especially if you want to save them but are in a hurry. Therefore, in this article, they are going to see how to download PDFs instead of previewing them in Chrome and Firefox.

Download PDF instead of Previewing in Chrome

Google Chrome has its own PDF Viewer, so, when you click on a PDF, it will be opened with Chrome’s PDF on the browser itself. Therefore, they need to disable Chrome’s PDF viewer to download PFDs instead of previewing them.

  • To do that, launch Chrome
  • Click on the three vertical dots from the top-right corner of the window
  • Cick Settings.
  • Now, you need to click Privacy & Security from the left panel
  • SelectSite Settings from the right panel
  • Scroll down a bit, and click Additional content settings.
  • Click PDF documents and enable the toggle of Download PDF files instead of automatically opening them in Chrome.
  • This way you will be able to download PDFs instead of previewing them in Chrome.

    Download PDFs Instead of Previewing Them In Firefox

    Download PDFs Instead of Previewing Them in Chrome and Firefox

    If you don’t use Chrome but Mozilla Firefox, you can still download PDF instead of opening them. Firefox also has a built-in PDF Viewer, just like Chrome, so, when you click on a PDF, the document will open with Firefox PDF viewer. To download PDF instead of previewing them in Firefox, you can follow the given steps:

  • Launch Firefox, click on the three horizontal lines, and select Options.
  • Make sure you are on the General tab and scroll down a bit to reach Applications.
  • From the “Portable Document Format (PDF)” section, change Open in Firefox to Save File.
  • This way you will be able to download PDFs instead of previewing them in Firefox.

    If you use Microsoft Edge, and you want to download PDFs instead of previewing them, check out their guide.

    Download PDFs Instead of Previewing Them in Chrome and Firefox

    The Organized Crime Threat to Latin American Democracies

    Peru’s last dictator, Alberto Fujimori, has pulled off a jailbreak years in the making—not by tunneling his way out of prison but by the graces of the country’s highest court. His early release in December is part of a broader problem in Latin America, where the line between governments and crime keeps getting blurrier.

    The 85-year-old Fujimori was a little more than halfway through a 25-year sentence for greenlighting extrajudicial killings and kidnappings and embezzling $15 million during his decade-long rule, which ended in 2000. But Peru’s Constitutional Court was apparently unbothered by his unpaid debt to society. The court brought about his release by reinstating a years-old presidential pardon.

    More on:

    Peru

    Guatemala

    Latin America

    Immigration and Migration

    Transnational Crime

    That blatantly violated international law: The Inter-American Court of Human Rights forbade Peru from shortening Fujimori’s sentence. But as the country’s democracy slid into chaos over the last year, Fujimori’s still powerful family worked to get sympathetic judges on the bench.

    Latin America's Moment

    Latin America’s Moment analyzes economic, political, and social issues and trends throughout the Western Hemisphere. 1-3 times weekly.

    Latin America’s Moment analyzes economic, political, and social issues and trends throughout the Western Hemisphere. 1-3 times weekly.

    By entering your email and clicking subscribe, you're agreeing to receive announcements from CFR about their products and services, as well as invitations to CFR events. You are also agreeing to their Privacy Policy and Terms of Use.

    The resulting release of Fujimori, who ran Peru as a mafia state, comes as the country’s politicians are chipping away at the capacity to investigate corruption and organized crime. Peru isn’t alone. In several countries across the region, politicians appear determined to weaken the state’s ability to counter criminal groups.

    In Guatemala, dozens of lawmakers sanctioned by the United States for corruption have fought to block President-elect Bernardo Arévalo, an anti-corruption crusader, from taking office. In Ecuador, violent gangs are on their way to taking over, having recruited dozens of public officials to do their bidding, according to the country’s top prosecutor. In Mexico and Brazil, drug cartels and paramilitaries loom large over some state and local governments.

    Latin America’s democracies and democrats don’t get enough credit for weathering inequality, violence, and economic stagnation. Miraculously, only two of the region’s former democracies, Venezuela and Nicaragua, have collapsed into full-fledged authoritarianism. In no other part of the world have so many democracies held up under such pressures for so long.

    They have even pulled off remarkable but often overlooked successes, nearly halving the share of Latin Americans living in poverty since 2000, largely taming hyperinflation, ending a long tradition of military coups and civil wars, and putting leaders such as Fujimori in jail.

    More on:

    Peru

    Guatemala

    Latin America

    Immigration and Migration

    Transnational Crime

    But the increasing power of organized crime stands out as a threat they haven’t countered effectively. For the last 40 years—about as long as Latin America’s democracies have been around—the region’s illicit economies have experienced a practically uninterrupted boom. Chief among them, the global cocaine trade spawned some of the world’s most sophisticated transnational criminal organizations. Such groups have inserted themselves into the above-ground economy by laundering their vast wealth and have branched out into other illegal activities: extortion; mining, logging and fishing in protected areas; and, increasingly, human smuggling.

    Organized crime can’t grow without state protection, and Latin American mafias have long made it a mission to capture parts of the state. They have had at least as much success amassing political power as any of the region’s political parties. Lawmakers, police forces, courts, mayors, port authorities, air traffic control, and even presidents have been bought off or coerced to ensure that trafficked drugs, resources, and people flow freely to their destinations—often, in the United States.

    Now much of Latin America lives under a hybrid form of government in which both democratic states and organized criminal groups exercise power—sometimes in competition and sometimes together. It’s often immensely difficult to tell who is really in control. “There aren’t just three branches of government here,” a lawyer in Mexico City recently told me. “There’s a fourth: organized crime.”

    Until the last decade, criminal groups mainly threatened to capture state institutions in countries that were either major drug producers—such as Colombia and Peru—or unlucky enough to be situated along major trafficking routes: Venezuela, Mexico, and northern Central America. But that’s changing as ambitious criminal groups establish footholds in new countries and markets.

    Once-peaceful Ecuador has become a haven for violent gangs specializing in extortion, driving one of Latin America’s largest recent waves of emigration. Costa Rica, a strong democracy known for its safety, is grappling with an alarming surge in killings. Ports in Chile and Uruguay are gaining new importance in the cocaine trade.

    When mafias and states merge, corruption and violence can reach such extremes that people will settle for any alternative, even an authoritarian one. The idea of the tough-on-crime strongman has caught on again despite its demonstrated shortcomings.

    Fujimori, for example, dispensed with democracy to crush a brutal insurgency that had terrorized Peruvians for years. But as independent institutions and oversight fell away, top state officials didn’t eliminate crime; they just took over the business. It wasn’t until more than a quarter-million Peruvians took to the streets that they were able to oust Fujimori and end his inner circle’s crime spree.

    Latin America’s independent prosecutors, judges, and police have shown a better way to tackle crime. In Colombia, Guatemala, and post-Fujimori Peru, they convicted dozens of public officials of abetting organized crime, weakening mafias by depriving them of state protection. Ecuador’s attorney general is making a similar push now.

    The results stick only when prosecutions are backed up by anti-corruption reforms, which often prove politically difficult. U.S. support can help.

    Congress has dedicated relatively little spending to bolstering the rule of law in Latin America, especially considering that Americans’ voracious drug demand pays a good portion of the salaries of the region’s crime bosses. Meanwhile, U.S.-made firearms flow too easily over their borders, arming Latin America’s gangs and cartels.

    Washington can’t manage the unprecedented hemispheric surge in migration without Latin American governments’ help. But securing their cooperation must not mean turning a blind eye to emerging mafia states or abandoning reformers.

    Fujimori appeared to be swimming against the tide of history in the 1990s, when every other Latin American country besides Cuba had become a democracy. In retrospect, he looks more like a harbinger of challenges to come. But Peru eventually turned a corner; perhaps Latin America can too.


    Why Marketing Poses A Cybersecurity Threat And What To Do About It

    Senior Vice President of Global Corporate Communications at Corel. An award-winning tech brand-builder, storyteller, strategist and advisor.

    getty

    Humans: we'd like to believe they're all good at the core. Unfortunately, there are a few bad apples in the bunch — or at least very opportunistic apples. When it comes to cybersecurity, the bad apples are hackers who are out to invade, profit from or damage a business. Cybersecurity has been a topic of conversation for a long time, but with so much data at their fingertips today, it feels like we're at an inflection point where threat actors could have an advantage.

    One key area that has the power to either thwart hackers or inadvertently invite them in is marketing. Here’s why marketing is so vulnerable to attackers and how marketing teams can play a critical role in combating threats.

    For years, marketers have leveraged data, which allows them to understand each customer's personal preference. As technology evolves, data points do too, and they enable marketing teams to personalize every communication and interaction. Whether they use it for identifying the customers' preferred omnichannel platform of choice, the cadence of touchpoints, product information, location or timing, the possibilities are endless for marketers who leverage data correctly. Likewise, as technology becomes "smarter" and more data becomes available, marketers are leaning into artificial intelligence (AI) to help them comb through dispersed data sets across their organizations and on various software platforms. Again, when they use it correctly, data can be a powerful tool that helps marketers nail their communications and humanize their interactions at record speed and with less manual labor. It can free them up to focus on other labor-intensive marketing initiatives. 

    There is no doubt that AI offers significant workflow advantages, but as organizations deploy more technology, the internal and external risk for a cyberattack may rise — especially within the marketing department. Every automated communication marketers send could be copied by a bad actor who poses a threat to the organization or its customers. Although digital marketing campaigns can be programmed and deployed to run on their own, they still require oversight, analysis and a good old-fashioned human touch. I believe this blend of the human touch and well-positioned AI is essential to ensuring that marketing departments are part of the solution when it comes to cybersecurity.

    This past year, organizations across the globe shifted their budgets. Marketing departments were among the hardest hit by the shift. According to Gartner's CMO Spend Survey, marketing budgets have fallen from 11% of company revenue in 2020 to 6.4% in 2021. This shift has resulted in lean marketing teams and fewer resources during a volatile and critical time for organizations where marketing teams are under immense pressure to deliver a strong return on investment (ROI) to the C-suite. Ensuring proper diligence and applying the human touch to newly adopted technology may seem like an inefficient use of time and human capital, especially when you've specifically adopted AI and technology to streamline processes. However, this investment is minute compared to the cost of a cyberattack. 

    As more departments across the organization continue to collect copious amounts of data, the IT team is no longer solely responsible for cyberattacks. Overseeing every piece of data is extremely challenging, but marketers can implement several strategies to help their teams avoid data breaches and cyberattacks. 

    Strategy No. 1: Do your due diligence and find a trusted partner. 

    Doing your homework has never been more critical. In advance of onboarding any vendor within marketing (or any department), be sure to understand your vendor's cybersecurity policies and procedures and how they protect themselves. Most importantly, get a clear understanding of how their systems work — where the data is stored, who has access and what their network controls are like. Keep an open dialogue about cybersecurity changes and concerns. Far too often, organizations enter lengthy vendor contracts under the assumption that the vendor will protect them. Remember, anyone with access to your network can be a vulnerability; therefore, know who has access to your vendor’s network and how it's protected.

    Strategy No. 2: Partner with IT to implement security measures. 

    Gone are the days when they can comfortably snooze reminders for security updates, password changes or software upgrades (though I’d argue that there was never a good time for that). The threat is real and present; plus, phishing emails are a significant threat in today's digital and remote world. Marketing leaders should not hesitate to engage with the IT department to determine how the company is protected. At a minimum, establish two-factor authentication across all marketing platforms and be sure to schedule a time to review or apply monthly patch requirements or updates as needed. If you’re using the same policies you applied to the pre-pandemic, in-person workforce, it may be time to make sweeping changes.

    Strategy No. 3: Remember that compliance isn't just for public companies. 

    For marketing teams, data is currency. It’s vital to the business's overall success. Be transparent about how you collect, store and use marketing data by establishing public-facing policies that educate customers about the various data laws, regulations and requirements, as well as the company's privacy positioning. Complying with standards can not only reduce the risk of a hefty fine but can also help establish brand trust and equity with customers. In addition, be sure internal and public-facing marketing materials remain aligned and accessible.

    Teams are no longer siloed and independent. Today, every department within an organization should be working in lockstep with the IT team — especially marketing. The accelerated need to digitally transform workflow processes across the enterprise has brought some good — but it also brings more technology and more vulnerabilities, and marketers should still apply a human touch. It's time organizations of all sizes roll up their sleeves, coordinate with the IT team and establish best practices for protecting data. Data is a significant asset. Marketers have to keep gathering it, but they can also be the first line of defense to ensure that it’s protected.

    Forbes Communications Council is an invitation-only community for executives in successful public relations, media strategy, creative and advertising agencies. Do I qualify?


     


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